ISSN 1449-9320
	Volume 3 2007 pages 69-86
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'The most important of events': the 'burning-in' motif as a site of cultural memory in Icelandic sagas

Lisa Bennett

Abstract

This paper suggests that the 'burning-in' motif in the Sagas of Icelanders and the Sturlunga saga compilation could act as a literary site of cultural memory.1 Three examples are given to explore the central premise that this lieu de mémoire reflects the medieval Icelanders' perception of the conversion, and of their pagan ancestors: first, fewer burnings-in successfully claim victims' lives as the narrative chronology approaches the year 1000; second, the narrative space devoted to this motif alters as events describe the Christian era; and third, the characters' attitudes toward the incendiaries become progressively more disparaging once the conversion has taken place.

The 'burning-in' motif, which depicts the incendiary killing of victims trapped within their own homes, frequently appears in both the pre- and post-Christian periods in the Icelandic sagas. There are 15 successful burnings-in enshrined in 15 of the Íslendinga sögur (Sagas of Icelanders).2 Ten of these 15 burnings occur amongst the first two generations of Icelandic settlers; in terms of the narrative chronology of events, these early burnings take place in the pagan period of Icelandic settlement. The Sagas of Icelanders typically describe stories and characters from the so-called saga age; they are retrospective texts that can be considered 'the creation of the authors' imaginative speculations about the past.'3 This past, as Jürg Glauser notes:

exists because one refers to it, so that memory is a reconstructed past. To achieve consciousness and a creation of the past, a break is needed. … For the present case of the Íslendinga sögur as a group of texts, this means that they only become an instrument of cultural memory in Iceland after the break of '1262-64'. Without the period following the loss of the Icelanders' independence … there would be no Icelandic past-awareness in the form found in the Íslendinga sögur.4

While we cannot contest the fact that the loss of independence in 1262-1264 constitutes a significant break in Iceland, I suggest that the Christian conversion is also an example of an earlier, equally important break in terms of establishing cultural memory. The Sagas of Icelanders, as we currently have them, appear to have been written in the thirteenth century but typically describe events from the ninth to eleventh centuries. This retrospective point of view suggests that these works encapsulate a thirteenth-century 'reconstructed' cultural memory of the past; and in the case of the Sagas of Icelanders, this is a past that is written down well before the break of 1262-1264. Therefore, I suggest that descriptions of burnings-in in the Sagas of Icelanders are remembered according to their proximity to the previous major break, which is the conversion. It is reasonable to accept Peter Hallberg's observation that

it seems logical to assume that the sagas in their present form must have received a decisive impression from the time in which they were written. And this means, of course, that the Sturlung Age is of the greatest importance for students of the sagas …5

Given the sagas' thirteenth-century viewpoint, it is very illuminating to also consider the Sturlunga saga compilation, which deals with thirteenth-century events from a contemporary perspective. In this context, it is interesting to discover that the burning-in motif does not appear exclusively in the Sagas of Icelanders, but is also frequently incorporated into Sturlunga saga.

Sturlunga saga, which was composed more than two centuries after Iceland legally accepted Christianity, describes thirteenth-century events from the 'present' and 'immediate past', yet it nevertheless retains examples of nine attempted burnings-in, six of which were successfully carried out.6 What becomes evident when we plot all of the saga burnings in chronological order is that there are many more successful incendiary killings in the pagan period than there are in the Christian period of the narratives. Furthermore, the body count is notably higher in the early pagan burnings-in. Progressively fewer characters are burnt to death in their homes as the narratives aproach the year 1000, and so we discover that out of the six successful Sturlunga saga burnings, five claim only one victim, while the sixth claims less than five victims in total.

The treatment of the 'burning-in' motif seems to reflect how the saga compilers wanted to perceive their ancestors, rather than how historical events might have actually unfolded. The pattern of burnings seems to indicate that the Icelanders who recorded these sagas might have viewed their collective past through thirteenth-century, Christian eyes. Therefore, the remote 'pagan' characters seem to have permission to commit burnings of epic proportions, without incurring any serious repercussions in the saga narratives. However, as these same Icelanders present their ancestors who lived in the period leading up to the conversion, it seems almost as if some heathen characters, whose stories took place in the latter part of the tenth century, had already been exposed to Christian tenets.7 At the very least, it appears as though they perceived that the 'late pagans' whose stories appear in the Sagas of Icelanders may have innately anticipated the acceptance of Christianity immediately before the kristnitaka (literally the 'taking of Christianity')8 even though such behaviour and such preternatural awareness of the new religion is narratively illogical. We find, therefore, that many planned burnings are thwarted, which suggests a growing reluctance in the society in general to accept burnings even though major characters still propose them, and once the narratives move beyond the year 1000, burners are considered quite despicable characters.

In this way, the burning-in motif in the Sagas of Icelanders and the Sturlunga saga compilation may act as a literary site of cultural memory, which signposts the thirteenth-century Icelanders' perception of the conversion process, and their collective memory of their pagan and early-Christian past. This cultural memory, or 'past-awareness', indicates that these Icelanders remembered past events as Christians, but also as people who were not ready to completely renounce their pagan ancestors. This reluctance to divorce themselves from their ancestors' pre-Christian behaviour could explain the continued appearance of the 'burning-in' motif in the sagas, and implies that 'heathen' attitudes may not have been entirely ousted from the Icelandic psyche until well after their loss of independence in 1262-1264.9

I approach this idea by considering how the sagas invite us to view the victims of burnings-in. In this paper, I examine a selection of examples and determine whether a doomed character's incendiary death is described as heroic or unheroic in the sagas.10 More specifically, the broad concept of 'Christian heroism' will be analysed in three ways, all of which revolve around the narrative point of conversion. The year 1000 marks a shift with regard to the implementation and acceptance of incendiary killings in the sagas. In the earliest pagan burnings, masses of people are killed, and these deaths are almost unremarkable; in contrast, the burnings that occur at or around the time of conversion usually claim less than five lives, and are generally pointedly directed at one victim. Furthermore, the narrative descriptions of the burnings become more detailed as the numbers of victims diminish. In the burnings that are successfully carried out in the Christian period in the sagas, more narrative time is devoted to denoting the victims' piety, honour and reason in the face of death than is spent describing the action in the earlier examples. Finally, a change in the Icelanders' attitudes toward the burners becomes increasingly marked as the narrative approaches the time of conversion; where pagan burners are either lauded or ignored upon committing a burning, the Christian incendiaries are condemned as the worst type of scoundrels, worthy of scorn in this life and in the next.

One night, in the pre-settlement period of Egils saga, Rögnvald storms Baustdal and burns the king and 90 men inside.11 Even though this burning-in takes place in Norway, it is presented from an Icelandic viewpoint and foreshadows later Icelandic burnings. In this pagan period, incendiary killings seem to occur in an almost haphazard fashion, in Iceland and abroad, and no victim is sacred. In this case, there seems to be no explicit motivation for Rögnvald's strike, and no discrimination in his choice of victims: 90 anonymous men are killed along with Vemund, their king. In contrast, Önundr Tree-Leg's intentions are quite clear: he commits a revenge-driven killing, in which Grim the Hersir and 30 of his men are taken 'by surprise' and burnt to death in the houses.12 Similarly, Einar and Gisli practice an 'eye for an eye' approach to burning-in in Gisla saga: Einar and Arni, accompanied by a troop of 60 men, attempt to burn Gisli and his family to death in their home.13 Gisli manages to escape, but 'twelve men were burnt in the house. The attackers thought they had burnt everybody.'14 In retaliation, Gisli and 40 companions 'come without warning to Kolbjörn's house and burn him in it with eleven other men',15 and effectively avenge the 12 men Gisli lost in Einar's attack. In these instances, the burnings are swiftly executed, often occur at night, and are frequently the results of calculated ambushes.16

The death toll is tremendous in these brief descriptions, and the burners do not seem to have to atone for their actions. Conversely, proportionately far fewer deaths are successfully carried out amongst the third and fourth generations of settlers in the Sagas of Icelanders. While an in-depth study of the implications of thwarted burnings is beyond the scope of this paper,17 it is worthwhile to briefly look at one such example because it highlights a general shift in the society's attitude toward committing burnings-in. In Laxdæla saga, Kjartan initially resents King Ólafr's missionary zeal:

'I won't try to hide it,' said Kjartan. 'I want to burn the king in his house.'

'No one could call that craven,' said Bolli, 'but in my opinion it could never succeed.'18

Kjartan's first impulse is to 'burn the king in his house.' This statement seems rash, and almost instinctive: this impression is heightened by Bolli's tactical retort, which tempers Kjartan's ire. More importantly, though, his response also indicates that, consciously or unconsciously, Kjartan and Bolli's generation has learned that while incendiary killings might not be considered cowardly, they might no longer be considered appropriate actions for wise men to take in the new society that is developing around them.19 While Kjartan's instincts seem to direct him toward committing a burning-in, he is easily convinced to abandon the idea, and the implied message is that soon-to-be-Christians should not behave as heathen burners do. This message is reinforced by Bolli's resistance and Kjartan's ensuing conversion to Christianity.20 Accordingly, only three burnings-in are accomplished in this later, post-1000, period in the Sagas of Icelanders. Blund-Ketil is burnt in his home in Hœnsa-Þóris saga,21 as are Njal and his family in Njals saga,22 and Grettir is condemned for 'accidentally' committing a burning-in when he tries to obtain fire for himself and his companions.23 The significance of the first two of these burnings, in terms of cultural memory, will be examined in greater depth below. For now, I propose that these episodes are conspicuous because of the narrative period that encapsulates them, and because there are few, but noteworthy, victims claimed by these fires, as opposed to the pagan mass-burnings mentioned above.

It is intriguing that this pattern of curtailed deaths is echoed in the Sturlunga saga compilation, since each of these narratives chronicles contemporary Christian events. Furthermore, notions of heroism, and Christianity's influence on these ideals, are much easier to detect in these sagas, since their descriptions of the burning-attempts are relatively lengthy and detailed. In contrast, many of the deaths in the Sagas of Icelanders can only be considered unheroic, simply because the majority of these victims do not seem to merit the narrative space necessary to describe their behaviour when faced with such mortal peril. For instance, accounts of the early 'bulk' burnings are cursory, or marginal: the first burning mentioned in this paper, for instance, warrants no more than a single line in Egils saga. It is not until these sagas' narrative chronologies approach the conversion period that they provide in-depth illustrations of heroism and explicit Christian connotations.

Blund-Ketil's burning-in, which takes place amongst the third and fourth generations of settlers in the Sagas of Icelanders, exemplifies this point:

[Hen-Þorir and his co-conspirators] hauled a stack of firewood to the house and set it alight, and Blund-Ketil and his people did not wake till the house was in flames over their heads. Blund-Ketil asked who was lighting so hot a fire, and Þorir told him. He asked whether there was any hope of terms, but Þorir replied, 'There is nothing for it but to burn!' Nor did they leave till every living soul was burnt to death inside the house.24

We can interpret Blund-Ketil's characteristics in this passage as martyr-like, as he stoically barters for his life with his tormenters.25 He does not attempt to flee; instead, he behaves selflessly when he enquires about the possibility of negotiating a way out of the situation, of reaching an agreement that will not diminish his antagonisers' honour, and that will simultaneously save 'his people' from death. Blund-Ketil's passive resistance works to subvert the power that the burners hold over his life, and thus enhances the tragic tone of this killing.26

Of course, one of the longest, and most tragic, descriptions of an incendiary death is that of the burning of Njal.27 Like Blund-Ketil, Njal is characterised as sober, but not indifferent to the fiery death that threatens his household. He is stoical when the women of the house begin to panic, and in an overtly Christian example of heroism, Njal reassures his kin:

'Be of good heart and speak no words of fear, for this is just a passing storm and it will be long before another like it comes. Put your faith in the mercy of God, for He will not let us burn both in this world and the next.'28

Njal's apparent reliance on Christian dogma is not surprising; as Magnus Magnusson and Herman Pálsson note in the appendix to their translation of Njal's saga, the burning at Bergthórshvál is said to take place c 1011 and, as a character, Njal is a paramount advocate of religious acceptance.29 His choice of words is noteworthy, as they echo the sentiments Blund-Ketil expresses; these characters' final utterances enhance the impression that both figures possess martyr-like characteristics. Although Njal attempts to persuade Flosi into abandoning his malevolent plan,30 his reluctance to leave the scorching house also evokes a sense of martyrdom that is difficult to ignore. For example, when Flosi 'offer[s] [Njal] leave to come out, for [he does] not deserve to burn,' Njal declines to leave because he '[is] an old man now and ill-equipped to avenge [his] sons; [he does] not want to live in shame.'31 This statement straddles both secular and Christian notions of heroism; Njal's preoccupation with how his actions will be interpreted in earthly terms conflicts with his characterisation as a martyr-like figure. One creed does not seem to preclude the other in this episode, despite Njal's beatific acceptance of his doom:

Njal said to his steward, 'Take note where we lay ourselves down [in the bed] and how we dispose ourselves, for I shall not move from here however much the smoke or flames distress me … Njal and Bergthora lay down on the bed … They crossed themselves … and commended themselves to God.32

This Christian attitude toward death in the midst of an inferno overshadows Njal's previous 'earthly' concern that he would be incapable of revenge should he be saved from the fire. Nevertheless, the ambiguity of Njal's excuse for staying indicates that, while his demise bears an uncanny martyr-like quality, his final thoughts were nonetheless hovering on issues of this world. This collision of principles - the enduring secular concerns couched in Christian imagery - seems to dramatise a subjective thirteenth-century Icelandic cultural memory of Iceland's early Christian past.

Similarly, the burning-in at Gillastað, one of three fully realised burnings in the Sturlunga sagas, also provides a lengthy description of a martyr-like death. In this saga, Þorvard also appears to welcome his fiery demise:

Skeggi told Þorvald that an attack had been launched but that he thought there were only a few men. Þorvald said more likely there were more than a few. Then they smelled the smoke. Skeggi said there was a wall of sods under the privy, so that it would not be hard to get out there. Högni urged that they get out, but Þorvald said they would find the enemy there too and turned back. The house at once began to blaze up. … Þorvald went to the kitchen where the fire was spreading so that the house blazed up. He threw himself over the fire, and stretched his hand before him like a cross; later men found him there. After that, Skeggi asked for quarter, and quittance for those who were inside … Högni then came out with all the men of the household.33

Þorvald's aspect is obviously coloured with Christian imagery in this passage, most clearly in the way that he stretches his arms out in a cross immediately after he throws himself on the flames. His refusal to be cowed by the thought of burning alive is what makes this gesture seem heroic. Certainly, Þorvald would not want to be seen as afraid of dying: even amongst earlier 'pagan' characterisations, it was cowardly to shy away from death.34 Yet it is Þorvald's apparent pursuit of the heart of the flames that suggests martyrdom in his conduct. While Skeggi and the others apparently make their way to the outermost part of the building (one would assume that Skeggi would have to be near the door, which is the most common place for negotiating with incendiaries in the sagas,35 in order to have his request for quarter heard), Þorvald turns inward, and enters the kitchen. It can be argued, then, that Þorvald behaves heroically, and sacrifices himself for his people when he throws himself on the fire. Further, one can surmise that his last thoughts are not on this world, but the next: because of this selfless action, the rest of the household is promptly given freedom to leave, and readers are left with an indelible Christian image in their minds. However, as was the case with the burning at Bergthórshvál, these Christian ideals are nestled amongst traces of lingering secularism in the surrounding context, and these remnants are nearly as inseparable from our readings of these texts as are the Christian elements.

Nevertheless, despite the presence of secular attitudes surviving from pre-Christian times, evidence for a Christian reading of these sites of cultural memory is plentiful. Önund's burning at Langahlíð36 is significant, not only because it was successfully executed, but also because there are two examples of Christian heroism depicted in this episode. At the onset of the attack, Önund calmly asks if a truce can be arranged 'for his followers',37 to which Guðmund replies, 'Things have gone too far to talk of peace offers, even if they were to be offered. Nothing can come of that now.'38 Önund's quick retort is, 'In that case … we will not suggest it.'39 Once again, there is evidence that the target (in this case, Önund) remains level-headed when confronted with burning; he refuses to beg for his life, even though he transparently displays concern for 'innocent' bystanders. Undoubtedly, there is the implication that Önund includes himself amongst the people he hopes to save, but the explicit message here is that Önund is seemingly willing to exchange his life for those of his followers. Gálm Grímsson, one of these followers, also seems to possess such enlightened ideals:

Also inside was Gálm Grímsson, a good farmer living at Dynhagi who was friendly with all the attackers, especially Kolbein Tumason. He came to the door in order to treat with them, because at that time the fire had not taken such a hold that a great deal could not have been saved. He begged Guðmund and Kolbein to go away and leave things as they were, and offered them all his possessions in exchange. He was extremely rich and owned an excellent house. Kolbein replied that he was prepared to give Gálm any sum he would name on condition that he left the house.

Gálm said: 'You have often laughed at me because I liked to take a steam bath and to follow it with a long drink. Now I can see that the bath is ready, but I'm not so certain about the drink of mead afterwards.'

He did not leave the house.40

Gálm's heroic display, like those of Önund and Þorvald listed above, can be interpreted as both secular and Christian. In particular, if we view this passage through a Christian lens, we might interpret the way he volunteers his possessions in exchange for the lives of others as a renunciation of earthly wealth, and a subversion of the incendiaries' power, since they cannot control his eternal fate; his determined refusal to accept Kolbein's offer seems to underscore this interpretation. Like Önund, Gálm seems willing to be a martyr and to suffer along with those he cannot save even though he is himself offered a chance to leave. Önund and Gálm are the only two named victims in this burning, and it seems feasible that this is so because they are narratively depicted in a Christian light. Perhaps the naming of these two victims is an attempt to broadcast their heroic behaviour for thirteenth-century audiences, in order to enshrine and commemorate their virtues in this site of cultural memory.

Gálm's request that Guðmund and Kolbein go away and 'leave things as they [are]' seems to be an appropriate metaphor for the Icelanders' perception of the Christian conversion. Some of the examples presented above have clear Christian connotations but, as I have argued, it is difficult to assert that this ideology is seamlessly integrated into the sagas. We find that attempted burnings continue to take place in these stories, as if the Icelanders who recorded them wanted to remember the pagan elements of their past along with the Christian; they seem to want to 'leave things as they are' in their literature. Accordingly, as the narrative chronologies approach the year 1000, we do not see a complete eradication of the burning-in motif: to believe that a culture's inherited behaviour could change so drastically upon the introduction of Christian tenets would be inappropriate. Instead, pagan elements remain in descriptions of burning deaths, but we begin to see fewer successful burnings as the narratives approach and pass the year 1000. Even though it seems illogical that some of the pre-Christian characters possess Christian traits, or exhibit an adherence to Christian tenets, shifting attitudes towards the burners imply that the saga compilers perceived that it might have been more acceptable, noteworthy, or suitable for their not-so-distant ancestors to demonstrate Christian characteristics, and an inherent awareness and/or anticipation of Christianity in Iceland as the conversion approached.

Lengthy descriptions allow Christian displays of heroism to be incorporated into more secular narrative circumstances without completely eclipsing the episodes' more secular or 'pagan' characteristics. Yet we cannot ignore the fact that the thirteenth- or fourteenth-century saga compilers were certainly Christian, despite this apparent desire to accommodate appropriate memories of their pagan ancestors. Thus, while the descriptions of the burnings-in become more florid and tragic, an almost subliminal note of disdain for incendiary killers becomes perceptible in works dealing with the period after the Christian conversion takes place. This disdain is most clearly notable in the Sturlunga saga compilation, since the narratives it contains take place well into Iceland's acknowledged Christian era.

In the Saga of Hvamm-Sturla, the first saga presented in the compilation, Sturla taunts Þorleif about his unheroic behaviour when he burns Bishop Magnús to death in his home at Hítardal.41 Nonetheless, he does not appear to reprimand Þorleif for committing the offence in the first place: 'Sturla said Þorleif often had great undertakings in hand but was not always able to live up to them.'42 Instead, the clearest condemnation comes oddly from Þorleif himself. '[He] was himself dragged weeping from the flames,'43 which is an unusual reaction from the perpetrator of the killing. There is an obvious physiological explanation for Þorleif's tears, since he was clearly inside a smoke-filled establishment for an unknown period of time, but we can read significant remorse into Þorleif's reaction. This hypothesis is supported by Þorleif's response to Sturla's snide comment:

'That event brought grief to no one more than to me. But you and I have not yet reached the point where it is certain that the one who sees no significance in such an event will be better off. … Still, I hope that on Judgement Day fewer men will have lost their lives because of my actions than because of yours.'44

Þorleif's 'grief' might be a manifestation of regret, and his acknowledgment of the threat of Judgement Day clearly underlines his Christian sensibilities. By extension, it is also possible that he weeps because his victim is no ordinary citizen, but is indeed a bishop. Our readings of this narrative are initially influenced by Sturla's commentary; his disparagement paints a picture of condemnation and shame that is impossible to overlook, and which could be spawned from a character preoccupied with secular concerns. Yet, it cannot be argued that the incident is either unequivocally secular, or completely Christian. Þorleif himself points out the ambiguity of the situation when he observes that neither he nor Sturla has 'yet reached the point' where they can positively see the significance of these events. What is certain, however, is that this ambivalence toward the burner, or toward performing a burning, is most prominent in the sagas that narrate events immediately preceding the year 1000, and those that relate stories from the Christian period, post-1000.

The narrative space devoted to the burning of Flugumýr is considerable, and is surpassed only by that which describes the burning of Njal at Bergthórshvál.45 Additionally, from its inception, the plot to burn Flugumýr seems undesirable:

When they reached Skeljungsskáli, Eyjólf told all his men that he meant to attack Flugumýr in full force, to kill Gizur and his sons with weapons, or with fire if they could succeed in no other way. Many of the men there realized that they were in a cleft stick: reluctant to go on and powerless to turn back. Having got that far, no one turned back.46

Gone are the swift acknowledgements of pagan mass-burnings; instead, we are presented here with a group of burners who are 'reluctant to go on and powerless to go back'. Once again, this phrase seems emblematic of the much larger cultural issues prevalent in medieval Iceland in the late thirteenth century; but in a microcosmic way, the moral conundrum these potential burners find themselves in may be indicative of the level of scorn they will face upon committing the burning-in.

Despite their reluctance, the burners descend upon Flugumýr, and perform the final act of incendiary killing in the Sturlunga saga compilation. Twenty-five people perish in this fire,47 which is unusual - and thus all the more striking - in burnings that occur so far into the Christian period. Where the early pagan burners could claim 90 lives without a pause in the narrative, the enormity of such an occurrence happening in the Christian era is palpable in Sturlunga saga. Perhaps it is for this reason that the narrator, in a remarkable moment of narrative intrusion, frames this event temporally for the audience:

When Flugumýr burned it had been fifty-six winters since the Önund-burning and twenty-five winters since the Þorvald-burning. The news now spread quickly, and it seemed to all the wiser men of the land that this was perhaps the most significant event there had ever been here in Iceland - may God grant His great mercy and mildness forgive them.48

The narrator of this particular saga takes it upon himself to commemorate significant cultural events textually. This burning at Flugumýr is, according to the narrator, 'the most significant event there had ever been here in Iceland' and he indicates that the burners will need God's forgiveness for their contemptible actions.49 There is no doubt then that, at this stage, it is reprehensible to commit an incendiary killing. In an address to Bishop Heinrekr of Hólar, Finnbjörn Helgason asserts:

[I]t is clear in the sight of all men that those gold-necks who have swarmed over the countryside with robbery and chastisement you have nevertheless allowed to stand beside you at the altar in Holy Church, and shown favor for all to see, though it is perfectly true that they have burned many men in their homes and choked many poor, innocent folk in smoke. Some men may doubt that you yourself have been a party to certain of these evil deeds, but this all men know - burners are the worst of outcasts, both by God's law and man's.50

Finnbjörn's portrayal of the burners (and his not-so-veiled implication that the bishop himself might be counted among these scoundrels) is an open denunciation of all incendiaries; since nothing could be worse for a member of the medieval Icelandic community than to be shunned as an outcast, Finnbjörn could not possibly have chosen a more damning brand to label these killers with.51 Furthermore, what these two passages describe is the cultural perception of these events - the collective remembrance of these burnings - even if these recollections may not correspond perfectly with the way things happened historically. Thus, these burnings are seen as outstanding events, which merit transcription and transmission. Moreover, these later episodes demonstrate that, although the desire to commit a burning-in is persistent, burnings are judged differently depending on the actors' positions in relation to the narrative point of conversion. The two examples given above are delineated in specific terms using precise dates, which suggests the compilers' attempts at historicity, but is a curiosity in saga literature.

Moreover, these two passages draw our attention to two very important facts: first, that the burning at Flugumýr was, to all intents and purposes, as memorable, culturally and literally, as the Alþing's decision to appropriate Christianity in the year 1000;52 and second, that the burners' abhorrence transcends ideological boundaries. The burners are not merely condemned by Christian standards; rather, they are classified as outcasts, and are disgraced 'both by God's law and man's.' While it seems evident 'that a Christian stamp was put on many inherited things'53 in the Sagas of Icelanders and the Sturlunga saga compilation, it is the juxtaposition of both Christian and pagan ideals in treatments of the burnings-in that compels us to consider this motif as a site of cultural memory. Though Christianity was accepted by the Alþing in the year 1000, this did not mean that the Icelanders lost sight of their pre-Christian outlook immediately. Indeed the saga writers were keen to consider the significance of their ancestors' pre-Christian behaviours and attitudes in terms of their own Christian values while they remembered, and even accepted, pagans who committed burnings.

If Einar Ól Sveinsson is correct, and saga writers and transmitters partook in the practice of 'preserv[ing] memories of the cultural standards of [their] age',54 then I suggest that the persistent appearance of the burning-in motif preserves thirteenth-century Christian standards without relinquishing the Icelanders' pre-Christian inheritance. Hence, we see the measured infiltration of Christian behaviour and tenets into illustrations of burnings-in, but in no sense are the writers attempting to jettison their pre-Christian ancestors. Instead, the conversion acts as an important break in the cultural memory of Icelandic heritage. The pagan actors are far enough removed from the saga writers that their actions do not seem to warrant extensive comment in the sagas. In contrast, as the burnings continue to take place in the immediate pre-conversion period, and well into the established Christian era, the burning-victims' attitudes are imbued with Christian connotations, and burners are progressively more overtly denounced for their un-Christian actions. In this way, although such perceptions may be historically inaccurate, the impression we get is that the saga writers were able to incorporate their pagan ancestors into their Christian world without condemning them wholly for behaviour that is seen in Christian terms as completely unacceptable. Consequently, the appearance of the burning-in motif is fairly consistent throughout the Sagas of Icelanders and the Sturlunga saga compilation, and so it seems that, by remembering the near- and post-conversion participants as being consciously or unconsciously influenced by Christianity, the thirteenth-century Icelanders are able to retain honourable connections to their 'heathen' relations, while admittedly no longer sharing their beliefs.

Lisa Bennett, Department of English, Flinders University

Notes

1  For an introduction to cultural memory theory see M Halbwachs, On Collective Memory ed L A Coser (Chicago, 1992); P Nora, 'General introduction: between memory and history' 1-20 in L D Kritzman (ed), Realms of Memory: Rethinking the French Past trans A Goldhammer (New York, 1996); N Zemon Davis and R Starn, 'Introduction: memory and counter-memory', Representations 26 (1989) 1-6; A Rigney, 'Portable monuments: literature, cultural memory, and the case of Jeanie Deans', Poetics Today 25/2 (2004) 361-396; J Van Dijck, 'Mediated memories: personal cultural memory as object of cultural analysis', Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies 18/2 (2004) 261-277.

2  These are: Egils saga, Grettis saga, Gisla saga, Eyrbyggja saga, Laxdæla saga, Hœnsa-Þóris saga, Njals saga, Harðar saga, Bandamanna Saga, Reykdæla saga og Viga-Skútu, Ljósvetninga saga, Þorsteins saga Síðu-Hallssonar, Droplaugarsona saga, Barðar saga and Fóstbrœðra saga.

3  P Hallberg, The Icelandic Saga trans P Schach (Lincoln Nebraska, 1962) 49.

4  J Glauser, 'Sagas of the Icelanders (Íslendinga sögur) and þættir as the literary representation of a new social space' trans J Clifton-Everest 203-220 in M Clunies Ross (ed), Old Icelandic Literature and Society (Cambridge, 2000) at p 211-212.

5  Hallberg, The Icelandic Saga, 19.

6  Two of these attempts occur in the Saga of Hvamm-Sturla, five occur in the Saga of the Icelanders (chapters 37, 42, 67, 94, 170-174), one in the Saga of Guðmund dýri (chapters 13-14), and one in the Saga of Hrafn Sveinbjarnarson (chapter 19). While it is important to discuss the thwarted burnings, and the deaths that occur as a direct consequence of an attempted burning, for the sake of brevity in this paper, my discussions of heroism in the face of burning will focus only on those burnings that are successfully carried out in the Sturlunga sagas. It must be noted, however, that several of the unsuccessful burnings, particularly the ones where the victims are beheaded outside of the burning house, also seem to connote characteristics of Christian martyrdom.

7  On the Icelanders' pre-conversion knowledge of Christianity see G Turville-Petre, Origins of Icelandic Literature (London, 1953) 48; see also Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Pálsson, Njal's Saga (London, 1960) 19.

8  J Jochens, 'Late and peaceful: Iceland's conversion through arbitration in 1000', Speculum 74 (1999) 621-655, at p 621; see also D Strömbäck, The Conversion of Iceland: A Survey trans P Foote (London, 1975) 23, for a discussion of the conversion episode in Njals saga. For discussions about the concept of the 'noble heathen' see Torfi H Tulinius, 'The Matter of the North: fiction and uncertain identities in thirteenth-century Iceland' 242-265 in Clunies Ross, Old Icelandic Literature and Society at p 253; see also Lars Lönnroth, 'The noble heathen: a theme in the sagas', Scandinavian Studies 41 (1969) 1-29.

9  The change in governmental structure is a significant catalyst for a more overwhelming Christian influence in Iceland, as the monarchy brought with it a more financially stable Christian system, and religious power was subsequently removed beyond the reach of the secular chieftains who had previously held control over the churches' incomes. See J H Aðalsteinsson, Under the Cloak: The Acceptance of Christianity in Iceland with Particular Reference to the Religious Attitudes Prevailing at the Time (Stockholm, 1978); see also O Vésteinsson, The Christianization of Iceland: Priests, Power, and Social Change 1000-1300 (Oxford, 2000).

10  See N T Burns (ed), Concepts of the Hero in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Albany, 1975); L Carruthers (ed), Heroes and Heroines in Medieval English Literature (Cambridge, 1994); J King, The Spirit Giveth Life: a Reading of Beowulf in a Literary Context (unpublished PhD thesis, Flinders University, 1998) for discussions of heroic characteristics in medieval literature.

11  Egils saga, chapter 4, 10-11: 'Þann vetr fór Rognvaldr jarl it iðra um Eiðsjó surd í Fjorðu ok hafði njósnir af ferðum vémundar konungs ok kom um nótt þar sem heitir Naustdalr, ok var Vémundr þar á veizlu. Tók þar Rognvaldr jarl hús á þeim ok brenndi konunginn inni með níu tigum manna.' All Icelandic references are from S Nordal (ed), Egils Saga Skalla-Grímssonar (Íslenzk fornrit, II, Reykjavík, 1933). English translations of Egils saga are from B Scudder (trans), Egil's saga (London, 1997); this reference at p 7. While it might be argued that this was a Norwegian killing, since it occurred in Norway, before the settlement of Iceland, its relevance to the Icelandic mindset, and cultural memory, precludes this geographical technicality. The other early deaths, which are not discussed in this paper, appear in Grettis saga, chapter 3; Egils saga, chapters 22, 46, 78.

12  Grettis saga, chapter 7. All Icelandic references are from G Jónsson (ed), Grettis saga Ásmundarsonar (Íslenzk fornrit, VII, Reykjavík, 1936). English translations are from B Scudder, The Saga of Grettir the Strong (London, 2005).

13  Gisla saga, chapter 3. All Icelandic references are from B Þórolfsson and G Jónsson (eds), Gísla saga Súrssonar (Íslenzk fornrit, VI, Reykjavík, 1963). English translations are from G Johnston (trans), The Saga of Gisli (London, 1963); this reference at p 4.

14  Gisla saga, chapter 3, 13: 'en tólf menn brennt þar inni. En þeir þykkjask oll þau inni haf brennt, er til kómu.': Johnston, 5.

15  Gisla saga, chapter 3, 13: 'En þau Gísli fara, unz þau koma í Friðarey til Styrkárs, ok eflask þaðan at liði ok fá fjóra tigu manna ok koma á óvart til Kolbjarnar ok brenna hann inni við tólfta mann': Johnston, 5.

16  The immoral, or unheroic, quality of night ambushes has been noted in M I Steblin-Kamenskij, The Saga Mind, trans K H Ober (Odense, 1973) 102-103: 'The word morð also denoted the killing of a sleeping person, a killing carried out at night, and in general any killing carried out in an improper fashion'.

17  Seven thwarted attempts to inflict burning deaths are also described in the Sagas of Icelanders. These thwartings occur in Eyrbyggja saga, Hœnsa-Þóris saga, Harðar saga, Laxdæla saga, Ljósvetninga saga, Bandamanna saga and Þorsteins saga Síðu-Hallssonar and will be discussed at greater length elsewhere.

18  Laxdæla saga, chapter 40, 40: ''Ekki mun ek því leyna,' segir Kjartan, 'brennu konunginn inni.' 'Ekki kalla ek þetta lítilmannligt,' segir Bolli, 'en eigi mun þetta framgengt verða, at því er ek hygg…''. All Icelandic references are from Einar Ól Sveinsson (ed), Laxdæla Saga (Íslenzk fornrit, V, Reykjavík, 1934). English translations are from Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Pálsson (trans), Laxdæla Saga (London, 1969); this reference at p 146.

19  Further evidence can be seen in Laxdæla saga, when Kjartan traps Bolli and Guðrun's household within the farmhouse, and prevents them from going outside to use the privy for three days (Magnusson and Pálsson, chapter 47, at p 167). The circumstances are ideal for a burning-in, and yet Kjartan, now converted to Christianity, merely humiliates the family; the noticeable absence of a burning-in in this episode is significant.

20  Laxdæla saga, chapter 40, 120-124; Magnusson and Pálsson, 149.

21  Hœnsa-Þóris saga,chapters 8-9; G Jones, chapter 4, at p 19.

22  Einar Ól Sveinsson (ed), Brennu-Njáls saga (Íslenzk fornrit, XXII, Reykjavík, 1954) chapter 129. All Icelandic references will be from this edition. English translations are from Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Pálsson, Njal's Saga (London, 1960); this reference at chapter 129.

23  Grettis saga, chapter 38, 131: 'Fundu þeir þá ekki skálann, en sá þar oskuhrúgu mikla, ok þar í fundu þeir mannabein morg; þóttusk nú vita, at sæluhúsit myndi hafa brunnit allt upp ok þeir menn, sem þar hofðu í verit. Þeir spurðu, hvárt Grettir hefði ollat þesu óhappi, ok sogdu þetta it mesta illvirki … Af þessu fekk Grettir svá mikit ólið, at kaupmenn sogðu, hvar sem þeir kómu, at Grettir hefði þessa menn inni brennt': '[I]nstead of finding the hut they saw a great pile of ashes with human bones inside … [Grettir's companions] asked Grettir whether he had caused this mishap and called it a pernicious crime ... Grettir suffered greatly for this incident, because wherever the merchants went they said that he had burnt those men in their house': Scudder, 92. The moral repercussions of committing a burning will be examined further below.

24  Hænsa-Þóris saga, chapter 9, 24: 'Svá er sagt, at þegar er náttaði, riða þeir Þorvaldr at bœnum í Ornólfsdal; váru þar þá allir menn í svefni. Þeir draga viðarkost at bœnum ok slá í eldi. Vakna þeir Blund0Ketill eigi, fyrr en húsin loguðu yfir þeim. Blund-Ketill spurði, hverir þar kveikti svá heitan eld. Þórir sagði, hverir váru. Blund-Ketill frétti, ef nokkut skyldi ná sáttum. Þórir sagði, at engi er kostr annarr en brenna. Þeir skiljask nú eigi fyrr við en hvert mannsbarn er þar inni brunnit.' G Jones, chapter 4, at p 19.

25  My thanks to Dr Robyn Cadwallader for her illuminating comments about martyr characteristics in early medieval literature and saints' Lives.

26  P Foote, 'The audience and vogue of the Sagas of Icelanders - some talking points' 17-26 in G Turville-Petre and J S Martin (eds), Iceland and the Mediaeval World: Studies in Honour of Ian Maxwell (Clayton, 1974) at p 24, adds another level of interpretation to this statement: 'Christian faith could also add a new, touching dimension to the creed of courage, for it might be not only death that had to be faced but also the prospect of hell'.

27  Brennu-Njáls saga, chapters 124-130; Magnusson and Pálsson, chapters 124-130.

28  Brennu-Njáls saga, chapter 129, 328-329: 'Njáll mælti til þeira: 'Verðið vel við ok mælið eigi aeðru, því at él eitt mun vera, en þo skyldi langt til annars slíks. Trúið þér ok því, at guð er miskunnsamr, ok mun hann oss eigi bæði láta brenna þessa heims ok annars.'': Magnusson and Pálsson, chapter 129, at p 266.

29  Magnusson and Pálsson, 376. On Njal as a martyr-like character, see G Turville-Petre, Origins of Icelandic Literature (London, 1953) 251; Magnusson and Pálsson, Njal's saga, at p 27; L Lönnroth, Njáls saga: A Critical Introduction (Berkeley, 1976) 122. On the Christian qualities of Njal's death see D Fox, 'Njal's Saga and the western literary tradition', Comparative Literature 15/4 (1963) 289-310, at p 303. For discussions on the synthesis of Christian and pagan ideologies see Foote, 'The audience and vogue of the Sagas of Icelanders', 23-25; Hallberg, 110-113.

30  Brennu-Njáls saga, chapter 129, 329; Magnusson and Pálsson, chapter 129, at p 266.

31  Brennu-Njáls saga, chapter 129, 330: 'Njáll mælti: 'Eigi vil ek út ganga, því at ek em maðr gamall ok lítt til búinn at hefna sona minna, en ek vil eigi lifa við skomm.'': Magnusson and Pálsson, chapter 129, at p 267.

32  Brennu-Njáls saga, chapter 129, 330-331: 'Njáll mælti við brytja sinn: 'Nú skaltú sjá, hvar vit leggjumsk niðr ok hversu ek býg um ookr, því at ek ætla mér hvergi heðan at hrœrask, hvárt sem mér angrar reykr eða bruni; munt þú þá næst geta, hvar beina okkarra er at leita … Þá signdu þau sik bæði ok sveininn ok fálu ond sína guði á hendi ok mæltu þat síðast, svá at menn heyrði.': Magnusson and Pálsson, chapter 129, at p 267.

33  Íslendingasaga ed Einar Ól Sveinsson, vol II, chapter 71, 153-154: 'Skeggi sagði Þorvaldi at ófriðr var kominn ok kvaðsk ætla, at fáir væri mennirnir. Þorvaldr kvað hitt líkara, at eigi væri allfáir. Kendu þeir þá reyk. Skeggi sagði at roftorfsveggr væri undir kamri, sá er ekki væri fyrir undan at ganga. Högni eggjaði útgöngu, en Þorvaldr kvað menn fyrir, ok hvarf frá. Toku þá þegar at loga húsin ... Þorvaldr gekk í eldahús, þá er eldrinn sótti at ok húsin loguðu. Hann lagðisk yfir eldstó ok lagði hendr frá sér í kross, ok þar fansk hann síðan. Eptir þetta beiddi Skeggi griða ok útgöngu þeim, er inni vóru .... Högni gekk þá út ok allir heimamenn.': Sagas of the Icelanders in J McGrew (trans), Sturlunga Saga Volume I: The Saga of Hvamm-Sturla and the Saga of the Icelanders (New York, 1970) chapter 67, 220-221. All English references are from this translation.

34  See G Nordal, Ethics and Action in Thirteenth-Century Iceland (Odense, 1998).

35  For example, Gálm Grímsson comes to the door to treat with the burners in the Saga of Guðmund dýri (chapter 14) - in fact, Guðmund and his men intentionally leave one door open to allow for this sort of communication; Tumi comes outside (only to be executed out of doors) after speaking to the burners in The Saga of Icelanders (chapter 42); Njal and Flosi converse through the door in Njals saga (chapter 129).

36  Guðmundar saga dýra,ed Einar Ól Sveinsson, Vol I, chapters 13-14; The Saga of Guðmund dýri trans J McGrew and R G Thomas, Sturlunga Saga Volume II: Shorter Sagas of the Icelanders (New York, 1974) chapters 13-14. All English references are from this translation.

37  Guðmundar saga dýra, 272; The Saga of Guðmund dýri, 180.

38  Guðmundar saga dýra, 272; The Saga of Guðmund dýri, 180.

39  Guðmundar saga dýra, 272; The Saga of Guðmund dýri, 180.

40  Guðmundar saga dýra, 273-274: 'Þar var inni góðr bóndi, er Galmr hét og var Grímsson, ór Dynhaga; hann var vin þeira allra, en einskis meiri en Kolbeins Tumasonar. Hann gekk at durum ok mælti við þá, ok var þá enn eigi svá sótt af eldi, at eigi mundi borgit verða öllu. Hann bað þá Guðmund ok Kolbein, at þeir skyldi frá hverfa at því sinni, ok bauð þeim til þess öll fé sín. En hann var vellauðigr maðr ok attí it bezta bú. Kolbeinn svarar ok kveðsk mundu gefa Galmi svá mikit fé semm hann vildi, til þess at hann gengi út. Galmr svarar: 'Lengi hafit þér hlegit at því, at mér hafi þótt bað gott ok ek hafa opt drukkit mikit. Nú mun kostr baðs, en ósýnt þyki mér nú, hversu um mjöðdrykkjuna ferr.' Ok gekk kann eigi út.'; The Saga of Guðmund dýri, 181. While Gálm's black humour is noteworthy in this passage, a discussion of this manifestation of 'laughing in the face of death' is beyond the parameters of this paper, and has been explored elsewhere. See for example R M Wilson, 'Comedy of character in the Icelandic Family Sagas' 100-128 in D Pearsall and R A Waldron (ed), Medieval Literature and Civilization: Studies in Memory of G. N. Garmonsway (London, 1969).

41  Sturlusaga ed Einar Ól Sveinsson, vol I, chapter 23, 127; Saga of Hvamm-Sturla, ed J McGrew, Sturlunga Saga, vol I, chapter 23, 93.

42  Sturlusaga, 127: 'Sturla kvað Þorleif hafa jafnan stórræði fyrir hendi, þott ekki mætti víð þat jafnask, er hann brendi inni Magnús biskup í Hítardal ...'; Saga of Hvamm-Sturla, 93.

43  Sturlusaga, 127: 'en var sjálfr dreginn grátandi ór eldinum'; Saga of Hvamm-Sturla, 93.

44  Sturlusaga, 127-128: ''Engum munu þau tíðindi verri þykja en mér; en eigi erum vit enni þaðan komnir, at þat sé víst, at sá hafi betr, er einskis þykir um þau tiðindi vert ... En þess vilnumsk ek, at færi gangi höfuðlausir fyrir mik á dómsdegi, en fyrir þik, er þú hlær nú at glœpum þínum.''; Saga of Hvamm-Sturla, 93.

45  The burning of Gizur's homestead endures for five chapters (170-174); the burning of Njal occupies seven chapters (124-130). The burning of Njal is similarly undesirable; much of chapter 124 is devoted to describing the reluctance the burners feel about committing this killing, and we witness their ruminations about whether Njal should be warned, or not.

46  Íslendingasaga ed Einar Ól Sveinsson, vol III, chapter 256, 278: 'Ok er þeir kómu til Skeljungsskála, segir Eyjólfr öllu liðinu, at hann ætlar at stefna á Flugumýri öllum flokkinum at sœkja Gizur ok sonu hans, annathvárt með mápnum eða með eldi, ef eigi fengi þeir öðruvís sott. Margir vóru þeir menn þar, er þá þótti hvárttveggja ilt, at fara ok hverfa aptr; hvarf ok engi aptr, sá er þar var kominn.'; Saga of the Icelanders ed J McGrew, Sturlunga Saga, vol I, chapter 171, 394.

47  Íslendingasaga, chapter 258, 288; Saga of the Icelanders,chapter 173, 401.

48  Íslendingasaga, Chapter 259, 290: 'Þá er brenna var á Flugumýri var liðit frá Önundarbrennu fjórum vetrum fátt í sex tigi vetra. En frá Þorvaldsbrennu hálfr þriði tøgr vetra. Þessi tíðindi spurðusk brátt, ok þótti öllum vitrum mönnum þessi tíðindi einhver mest hafa orðit hér á Íslandi, sem guð fyrirgefi þeim, er gerðu, með sinni mikilli miskunn ok mildi.'; Saga of the Icelanders, chapter 175, 403.

49  Interestingly, in the Saga of Þorð kakali, the narrator intrudes once again and proclaims that the burning at Hítardal is 'the second most important event ever to have occurred in this country': J McGrew, Sturlunga Saga, vol II, chapter 46, 318-319; Saga Þórðar Sighvatssonar Kakala, ed Einar Ól Sveinsson, vol III, chapter 209, 137.

50  Einar Ól Sveinsson, vol IV, chapter 296, 63: 'Er þat nú ljóst fyrir allra manna augum, at þá gullhálsana, sem hér hafa geisat yfir sveitir með ránum ok refsingum, hafið þér látit þá standa hjá yðr hjá altari í heilagri kirkju ok lagt á þá alla virkt, ok er þat lygilaust, ok þeir hafa marga menn brent inni ok marga menn fátœka saklausa inni kœft í reyk. Um sum illvirki þeira er sumum mönnum eigi tvímælislaust, hvárt þér munið þurt hafa um setit allar vitundir, en þat vitu allir, at brennuvargar eru rækastir gervir bæði í guðs lögum ok manna.'; Saga of Þorgils skarði, chapter 57, 454. Italics mine. See also Einar Ól Sveinsson, The Age of the Sturlungs: Icelandic Civilization in the Thirteenth Century trans J S Hannesson (Ithaca, 1953) 147-148 for a discussion of this passage.

51  I explore the implications of being an outcast in medieval Iceland, and the effect the conversion process had upon this concept, in a forthcoming study.

52  P Schach, 'The theme of the reluctant Christian in the Icelandic sagas', Journal of English and Germanic Philology 81 (1982) 186-203, at p 186, offers a slightly different interpretation: 'Numerous passages in the sagas reveal that the advent of Christianity in Iceland loomed quite as large and momentous in the minds of thirteenth-century saga writers as did the colonization of their country.' While it may have 'loomed large' in their minds, Schach's observation does not diminish the strength of the assertion that the burnings were the most important of events. I do, however, agree with Schach's opinion that 'not a few of [the saga-writers] must have regarded these years as a period of spiritual turmoil, a time of conflict between the claims of the new faith and loyalty to ancient family traditions': 186.

53  P Foote, 'Secular attitudes in early Iceland', Mediaeval Scandinavia 7 (1974) 31-44, at p 32.

54  Einar Ól Sveinsson, 'The Icelandic family sagas and the period in which their authors lived', Acta Philologica Scandinavica 12(1937-38) 71-90, at p 72.