COLOUR MUSIC IN THE NEW AGE:
De-mystifying De Clario.

2: CLASSIC CODES


1:  ORIENTAL ORIGINS
2:  CLASSIC CODES
3:  RAINBOW ENLIGHTENMENT
4:  PSYCHIC SCIENCE, MYSTIC MUSIC
5:  GURUS ALL

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   The importance of the number seven was intimated by the title of "Sevenness: Sublunar"; the first of its events was introduced by a quote from Hippocrates from the 5th. century BC, that revealed something of the origins of seven's significance:

   The Greek penchant for seven can be traced to the Pythagorean cult, which held that all numbers were sacred and significant. Many of its basic beliefs were acquired by their leader, Pythagorus, during a stay in Egypt and especially from his stop-over in Babylon at the time of the Captivity. There, he could not but notice the great ziggurat, mounted on seven stepped platforms, from which the locals studied the stars and calculated their effects on human kind. Equally well, Pythagorus would have been conversant with the Babylonian number system used for complex calculations in astronomy and commerce. (Their sexagesimal system, based on sixty, still dictates the way we divide hours into minutes and seconds, and circles into degrees.) Pythagorus seemed to have absorbed both the practical and the mystical sophistication of Mesopotamian mathematics. He adopted the oriental custom of wearing trousers and required an ascetic lifestyle of his Greek followers who wished to master the mysteries of number.

   The Pythagoreans inherited Babylonian number expertise, enabling them to formulate the famed Pythagorus' Theorem; they also acquired a special reverence for the number six as an important prime factor at the base of the sexagesimal system. The significance of six - equal if not greater to that of seven - was due to it being a perfect number. That is, its factors of one and two and three not only multiply together to form six, but also add up to six. When it is cubed (or multiplied by itself three times), the product is 216, the span in years that Pythagoreans believed the soul must wait in the heavenly spheres before being reincarnated on earth. It was probably this pagan significance given to 6x6x6 that prompted later Judeo-Christian mythology to anathematize 666 as the number of the Beast.


Illustration 3 : "THE BRIAR WOOD" from "The Legend of the Briar Rose", by Sir Edmund Burne-Jones, 1870-90.

"Is there really some hidden significance in the number seven?
It crops up again and again in the ballads of Faery...seven sons, seven daughters, seven knights; seven years of penance, seven years of absence. Spans and combinations of seven were integral to the Faery Process. Seven was the number of years that Hind Estin kept his earthly mistress in Elmond's wood. Seven was the length of time the Great Silkie told his earthly wife to nurse his son before he would return to claim him. A seven-yearly sacrifice of one of their number was made by the fairies to Hades; and seven years was the time that Thomas Rymer of Ercledoune spent in the Otherworld, with the Queen of Elfland. Yes, it was always seven years that mortals spent in that place, and always through wishing for what was forbidden - entering the spell which halts time, which turns reality to gauze, which thrills the nerves with a beauty only longed for and never found until now; a beauty like the inside of music, a dream that none could bear to wake from, but would wake nevertheless - to find reality shrivelled, savourless and dead.
Seven was the penalty;
Seven was the payment;
Seven was the key.

Pythagorus considered it the number most compatible with the Divine,
and our bodies renew themselves every seven years."


Christopher Koch, "THE DOUBLEMAN', 1985.

   Ever since revelations, seven has received better press than six among Christians, who hold there are seven virtues as there are seven deadly sins. Seven became a lucky number and hierarchies, progressions and groupings of seven were common: the most significant heavenly bodies numbered seven, musical convention demanded seven different notes, and both pages and squires in the 12th century were required to undertake seven year's training. The Councils of Trent, held from 1545 to 1563, set the official number of Catholic sacraments as necessary steps for salvation at seven (as distinct from the two recommended by Luther and Calvin). While avoiding the heathen six, the sanctified use of seven is not an exclusively Christian practice. The menorah, the sacred candlestick of the Jews, has seven branches symbolic of the days of the Creation; the proscribed pilgrimage routes of Hinduism include seven sacred rivers and seven holy cities; and the ancient Persian mystery cult of Mithras, the most powerful rival to Christianity in 4th century Rome and whose god shared Christ's birthday, was entered into by seven stages of initiation. Even the present Federal Government has funded a seven step program as a quick-fix for long-term unemployment - seven easy steps of self-awareness 'awaken the giant within' to achieve 'job readiness' in a final breakthrough.

   Many management courses, as well as the self-improvement programs and spiritual panaceas available from New Age bookshops, employ seven-step techniques. The common numerological base obscures significant differences, enough to generate conflicting beliefs - even among colour-music-chakra codes. Their diverse creeds can make for uneasy bedfellows; suggesting that seeds of strife are buried within the New Age movement.
   One clear example of a seven-step code, currently used in Australia, is found in "Colour Therapy", by Julie Gunstone. Like De Clario, she saw significance in a parallel arrangement of ROYGBIV, the C scale and the chakras. But even though their two codes share the cornerstone of 'sevenness', commonality diminishes when details are compared. For example, De Clario located desire and emotion at the second chakra, aligned to orange, but Gunstone relegated passion and other basic emotions to red, at the base chakra. Moving up to the second chakra, she assigned wisdom, inspiration and insight to the colour orange. However, they agreed that yellow at the third chakra stood for intelligence and both saw green at the fourth, or heart chakra as representing balance (since it is central in each system). Logically enough, they agreed the throat was the seat of communication and that the brow accounted for second sight and clairvoyance (as held in folk tradition). Here other minor differences began; by omitting indigo, De Clario had to colour this sixth chakra violet, while Gunstone reserved that colour for the crown.
   The particular importance De Clario attached to violet's position at the brow helped set the two systems apart, but his main point of departure was with the use of white at the final chakra. White was so clearly intended to surpass violet, as used by Gunstone, that it created the main difference between the two codes. A symbol of spiritual completion and a journey into the light, De Clario's white light was the necessary goal of "Sevenness: Sublunar". As the colour worn for mourning in India, white signifies the untrammelled nature of the soul passing on to a higher plane - the white shrouds used to wrap corpses in the West evoke a similar state. A more direct influence may come, once again, from Theosophy and Annie Besant's Introduction to Yoga" of 1907 :

    White was taken to be the 'colour of everything', the sum of all the colours that preceded it in De Clario's system. When he tacked white to the end of the colour code, De Clario cited Corinne Heline's "Healing and Regeneration through Colour and Music" as his source. (He quoted Heline again in a later exhibition, but to contrary purpose."The colour of seven is indigo...seven is a perfect number and signifies completion or consummation." Indigo, not white, would seem indicated here for the seventh and final note of the scale, and for the last of the chakras.) The same white was also used by an Australian, Eileen Goble, in her "Rainbow Meditation Tape". All three omitted indigo, an obsolete dye-stuff from Newton's day, in preference for 'the pure white light of enlightenment', to arrive at the same seven-part code - a spectral sequence with a symbolic white finale - embodying optical and religious symbolism from both East and West.
   Symbolic use of colour came totally unstuck when transferred to the musical scale. The use of white disrupted the even flow of spectral colour when the music spanned more than one octave. Positioned at the note B in the scale of C major, white fell between violet at A and red at C, causing a visual hiatus on the leading note just before the full octave was complete. This problem had been solved in 1919 by another Australian artist, Roy De Maistre, by using red-violet instead of white to bridge the gap between the violet and red ends of the spectrum. He had created a graduated colour disc divided into twelve sections, one for each semitone of the octave. Travelling round and round the disc, continual colour change mimicked the smooth movement of music through cycles of octaves.
   Attending to other niceties, De Maistre had begun his code at the note A and assigned it to red. An interesting coincidence emerged as a result: the frequency increase from starting note A to end note G encompasses some 75% of an octave. The colours allotted to them, from low red to high violet, are separated by a similar 75% frequency difference. De Maistre could claim some mathematical serendipity for his code. The later systems of Gunstone, Goble, Heline and De Clario had chosen the more common C as their starting points. From there, a 75% jump would only reach B flat, leaving the final note B a blank. Only six of the seven white notes were covered, leaving the final one open for interpretation - it almost seems too much to believe the originators of the modern code had planned for this. (Equally unlikely would be any imputation that B intentionally symbolized the alchemical White Queen, preceding the Red King at the following C). But the wavelength disparity between the spectrum and the octave was noted by many, including Helmholtz. He chose to criticize the schemes of others, rather than his own, but concluded: "In the author's opinion, therefore, this comparison between music and colour must be abandoned." In any case, modern codes demonstrated little concern for science, or even colour music, and more for meditation, especially where white was added as a sort of spiritual coda. The notional value of De Clario's colour-music code becomes apparent when the musical scale is laid out, side by side with the spectrum.

Illustration 4 : DOMENIC DE CLARIO'S COLOUR-MUSIC CODE.
Division of the spectrum into six provides a check on De Clario's code. In a best-fit situation, most notes and colours match up only approximately, given that notes are in fact point frequencies rather than broad ranges as shown. The spectrum could be considered as about three-quarters of a 'colour octave', accommodating about three-quarters of a musical octave within it.

   De Clario's system did not account for the black notes; the variation of interval between white notes, of either tone or semitone, was ignored. But most strange of all was the colouristic scope of the note B - it could be construed to represent another whole spectrum, compressing the colours back into the original white light from whence they came. This one note (of no great importance) was given the same colour weight as the entire three-quarters of an octave before it. Thus, an inevitable inconsistency resulted from the use of a symbolic white ending - but there was nothing in De Clario's notes to justify an undue emphasis on B.
   Sir Isaac Newton would never have considered aligning the note B with white - it was merely one increment in a grand scheme of which white light was the ne plus ultra. B was the sixth note of the Dorian mode, a traditional church mode that gave Newton a standard, and which had a white note scale beginning on D. Accordingly, Newton gave B the sixth colour of ROYGBIV - indigo. The more important colours, the red, yellow and blue primaries, were allotted to the notes of the key chord - D, F and A.
   The note B had some importance in the Phrygian mode (starting on E), where it was the fifth note, the dominant, the all-important third harmonic. But B was usually avoided wherever possible; no mode was based on it and it was considered unpleasant to the ear. According to the Oxford Companion to Music, B was "a note which the spiritual advisers of our ancestors considered barely respectable."
   Colour-music codes that employ white note scales (and most of them do) revive the essence of modal music. The key of C major is commonest and paraphrases the Ionian mode - described as late as 1600 as 'the wanton mode'. I know of none that starts on B . It is paradoxical to find B has become extolled where it was once anathema to modal musicians, and glorified in spite of its low rank in the musical hierarchy. Notes were invented so as to avoid B (the black note B flat was the first). The legacy of this discrimination can still be seen on any keyboard today. B is the only white note that does not have another white note a perfect fifth above it. While other fifths (C to G, D to A, etc.) sound clear and stable, B to F is unresolved. In fact, it is a diminished fifth only: the perfect fifth to B is F sharp, which was the second of the black notes added to the scale.

   Even such notional colour-music codes as De Clario's embody ancient principles inherited, through Newton, from the Greeks. From the 6th. century BC on, Pythagoreans had founded the formal basis for Western music with a set of mathematical laws governing the vibration of strings: later Greeks speculated that colour would be bound by a similar set of laws, but lacked the means to investigate them. Plato envisaged a cosmos of eight concentric spheres, each with its own distinctive colour and musical note. The eighth note was the same as the first, but an octave higher; all eight, sounded together, produced the music of the spheres. De Clario prefaced the second night of "Sevenness: Sublunar" with a quote from Book X of Plato's "Republic":

   The colours to match each sound were not pure, but loosely described by Plato as 'whitish', 'yellowish', 'reddish', etc. Spiritualists could see similarities to their own visions in the indefinable quality of the colour. Modern theologians have suggested Plato's vision may have been a genuine revelation, but difficult to unpack into words. Neurologists might describe it as synaesthesia, where the one impulse within the brain triggers off simultaneous neural reactions, exciting a range of sensory responses. That Isaac Newton was indebted to Plato's approach is evident from his note to the Royal Society in 1675:    Plato derided any attempts to put number and proportion to colour, declaring only God could fathom it, and the one extant Greek text on colour makes no attempt to do so. Aristotle's approach to the same problem was more systematic, and it was he who suggested the first colour-music formulae. Believing that colours were inherent in objects, to be activated according to the degree of light or shade that fell upon them, he ordered colour tonally. Accordingly, he saw each hue as a mixture of black and white; if the proportions of the mix resembled musical ratios then Aristotle considered the colour harmonious, and therefore attractive. Few colours were accorded this honour. After conceding that: "It is possible to believe that there are more colours than just white and black", he singled out red and purple, perhaps to be compared to the fourth and fifth notes of the musical scale, with black as the key note and white an octave above it.
   The use of black and white as standard measures could yield a tonal scale from yellow, the brightest and lightest of the colours, to the darkest non-spectral purple. But this procedure would be by no means certain; indeed, Aristotle did not get far with it. It was left to the chemist and colour consultant Wilhelm Ostwald, during World War I, to establish a tonal scale of colours with any objectivity. Neurologists have since found that in the processes of sight, tonality may be more crucial than colour in distinguishing objects and movement - to his credit, Aristotle seemed to anticipate this approach.

   Ironically, the Greeks might have gained a better understanding of colour by studying painting techniques. It is probable that contemporary painters understood the rainbow-like progression of colours to be got from mixing the pigments available at the time. It is but a small step from knowledge of the palette to methodical observations of spectral effects in nature, such as in rainbows and waterfalls and on thin films of oil. But the imaginative leap between practice and theory may have been more difficult than it now seems. The Peripatetic treatise "On Colours" recommended that observations be made "not by blending pigments the way that painters do" but by "comparing the rays reflected by known colours". Likewise, Plato and Aristotle seem to have considered painting as little more than a charming deceit, and it was accorded a lowly status in the scheme of Greek ethics compared to music and dance. Theirs is the legacy we have retrieved from antiquity, while scant few art objects have survived to demonstrate virtuosity in colour mixing.
   By relegating painting to the position of an inferior craft, the Greeks ignored a most appropriate methodology available to them for studying colour. By AD 1600, investigators into light and colour were equally ill-informed and ill-equipped, and many looked to the known but irrelevant mathematical framework of music for a modus operandi. They also had to contend with overlying theories and symbolism from late classical and medieval theology, astrology, heraldry, alchemy, medicine, magic and other such styles of thinking, Analytic investigation of the properties of light and colour had been sidelined, or so it seems, by the weighty opinions of the great philosophers, which had deflected the development of colour science from a fruitful course for 2000 years.

   It is small wonder that painters sought colour techniques to satisfy their own needs (though the artists' hermetic practices could contribute little to any philosophical or scientific generalities). The specialized paint recipes and colour names that evolved within medieval workshops often seemed ambiguous or cryptic to outsiders, but they served immediate, practical purposes. One concern was to produce artwork of lasting worth, requiring stable pigment mixes that would remain colour-fast. For example, inert carbon blacks could be safely mixed with most other pigments, while a mixture of azure (from the semi-precious stone lapis lazuli) and vermilion (a vegetable extract of cinnabar) was chemically risky, as well as costly. Most safe and efficient artistic practice, whether for fresco work or illuminating a manuscript, would require separate preparation of up to ten individual pigments, sufficient for a day's work. Artworks produced in flat areas of colour, with little paint mixing other than tonal modelling (mainly with black), are those that have survived to this day.
   Two related innovations in the painters' craft emerged at the end of the 13th century - the use of oil to bind pigments and of the palette for holding paint. The oil coated individual pigment particles in a thin film, preventing otherwise reactive chemicals from effecting each other. A whole new range of hues was made available by mixing traditional colorants at the preparation stage. Further, blobs of viscous oil paint of different colours could be placed side by side on a hand-held palette, where they could be mixed even more subtly. An artist could expect to return to the same palette the next day and find the slow-drying oils still useable, unlike traditional, fast-drying egg tempera. A painting in oil, too, would remain wet for some time, allowing further manipulation, including colour mixing, on its surface.

   Oils had become the preferred medium for painting on panels by the middle of the 15th century in the Netherlands, and the practice soon spread to the rest of Europe, With the increase in possible colours came a quest to isolate the simplest, most basic set - the least number that could be mixed to obtain the greatest range of hues. Red, yellow and blue were generally agreed upon, as they could produce secondary oranges, greens and purples as well as tertiary browns, while black and white could provide tonal variation within each hue. Conversely, none of the other colours could be mixed to replicate the painters' primaries of red, yellow and blue.
   As the new technique took hold, so did the doctrine of painters' primaries. By 1600, red, yellow and blue were more or less codified, in a plethora of artists' treatises and manuals made available through the innovation of printing. Still, the concern for primaries seemed mainly an academic one; artists strove to impress authorities with their learned credentials, in the hope that painting might be included with the Quadrivium of liberal arts studied at universities.
   Scholarly alchemists at the court of the Holy Roman Emperor in Prague might incorporate the primaries at the core of their colour-music codes, but their predecessor, the painter Arcimboldo, had no such qualms. His code included such expressive mixed colours as morello (a shade of blackberry), as well as a dark brown. In a spirit of practical collaboration, rather than dry scholasticism, Arcimboldo approached della Vignola with hand-painted colour swatches, hoping the keyboard player could match them with musical equivalents. Here we see perhaps the first attempt to create a colour-music instrument.
   The English chemist Robert Boyle acknowledged the "Mechanical use" of red, yellow and blue by painters and dyers, in a 1664 treatise "Experiments and Considerations touching Colour" that must have inspired Isaac Newton. Boyle continued to scour the surfaces of objects microscopically, for evidence of 'asperities' that might account for the colours they gave off. Soon, Newton was to reveal how colour existed in light rather than the object it fell upon, When his "Opticks" was finally published in 1704, the colour-music wheel tucked at the back showed the painters' primaries aligned to the common chord of a musical key, as part of a colour-music code; Newton hoped to reconcile his own spectral findings to the colours of acknowledged practical importance - red, yellow and blue.
   Painters took Newton's scheme in their stride, simply adopting the convenient arrangement of colours in a circle as a sort of abstract palette. Within a few years, variations on the colour wheel began to appear in painters' manuals: gone were its musical implications; gone too was Newton's precise colour sequence of ROYGBIV. Many of the new arrangements resulted in colour circles of painters' primaries, interspersed with their related secondaries. The colours were arranged around the rim in the order they were mixed (in an approximately spectral sequence of ROYGBV), while complementaries (those minimal pairs of colours, such as blue and orange, that are required to make a neutral brown) were positioned opposite each other on the circle. This basic six-part colour circle is still used today to illustrate the rudiments of painting.
   Major painters, such as Rubens, revelled uninhibitedly in the gamut of colour available with oils. Where primaries of red, yellow and blue seemed emphasized, as in some works by Poussin, their use was not dogmatic: they were an aesthetic choice rather than rote obedience to rule, giving an intellectual coloration to his art to supplement the subtle geometry underlying his compositions. Towards the end of the 18th. century, a Newtonian approach to colour music was used by some art theorists, analysing the works of past masters such as Poussin (who had privately mused on relationships of modes and colours).
   Principles of colour music correspondence became popular among dilettantes of the Romantic period, as the search for universal harmony gained momentum. But most artists were disaffected with elaborate colour theories as impractical - red, yellow and blue were still accepted as the appropriate pigment primaries. Even the lingering English obsession, for codes and theories based around the ROYGBIV of their local hero Sir Isaac Newton, was tempered by warnings from important painters such as Turner:

   Turner's caution early in the 19th century was timely, as Young's discovery of quite different primaries in light was to unnerve many a painter's confidence in the craft. Recommendation of pigments for their optical purity, by Helmholtz and Ogden Rood, saw many a palette change. Overall, the new theories proved inapplicable since they relied on mixtures of coloured light, a process which added the brightnesses of colours together. Conversely, pigment mixes were subtractive, always giving a darker result than the brightest component. Yellow, as the brightest colour, had always to be included in any set of painter's primaries since there is no way to mix up to it. On the other hand, yellow would be pretty useless as a light primary. Fortunately, the swamping of the paint market with new chemical colours in collapsible metal tubes sidelined the concerns of the scientific purists, and their accumulated data was addressed where it belonged - the realm of technology and the machine.
   Real gains emerged from scientific study of the spectrum - colours of pure wavelength have been isolated which, because of their fixity, are able to produce consistent results when applied to technology. In this way, spectral isolation of certain red, blue and green primaries have led to the innovation of colour television. When combined, they appear as white but, mixed two at a time, produce cyan, magenta and yellow. These have been selected as standardized primaries for colour printing and, with black, combine to give the range needed for most full-colour reproductions.
   Less populist, but most marvellous, characteristic spectral outputs from combustion give us clues to atomic structure, as well as to the composition of stars. In this way, the science of spectroscopy is able to detect the very nature of matter. Light has found a place, alongside other cosmic radiations unknown to Newton, in the electromagnetic spectrum: light has been definitively separated from the mere mechanical vibration of sound.

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