Parliamentary
Secretary for INFRASTRUCTURE
Public
Transport: A Canadian View
Carlo
Carli MP
In February 2001 I left a sunny
and hot Melbourne to visit Canada in the middle of their harsh winter.
I travelled with my Parliamentary colleague Glenyys Romanes, John Stanley
- executive director of the Bus Association of Victoria - and a number
of bus company representatives. The trip to Canada was to visit a number
of public transport systems which are seen as successful by Australian
and overseas transport specialists and urban planners.
We went to Toronto, Vancouver
and Ottawa. Toronto has been drawn to local attention as a good model by
transport planners such as Paul Mees (1999) and Peter Newman and Jeff Kenworthy
(1999). I was aware of Vancouver as an interesting system with integrated
transport and land-use planning. Ottawa is the country’s capital, and one
of the fastest growing cities in North America, with a correspondingly
expanding transport system. With considerable debate in Canada on whether
the Federal Government has a role in public transport funding, the visit
to Ottawa also gave me an opportunity to discuss this issue with politicians
and advisers.
The Canadian experience
Commentators in Australia
tend to focus praise for Canadian transport provision on the considerably
lower subsidies their systems receive; fares are well priced, while service
quality and frequency is high and per capita use is much higher than Melbourne.
From an urban planning perspective, land use planning and transport planning
are tightly coordinated. This has lead to more compact and livable cities
that are public transport friendly and that have very public transport
dependent central business districts.
While the experience of Vancouver
and Toronto are impressive, I also witnessed a series of issues emerge
that demonstrate that transport planning is inherently political. For all
the successes public transport has had within the two cities it is under
siege by a politics of self interest and the common refrain of the political
right that there is a need to reduce Government costs and interventions.
This shift at a political level is undermining public transport and represent
similar pressures which are hampering the expansion of public transport
solutions in Melbourne.
While Vancouver and Metro
Toronto are relatively compact and the use of public transport is very
high, low density sprawl is on the increase around the two cities. Post
war urbanisation in both Vancouver and Toronto involved the concentration
of services in the downtown and other nodes, relatively high densities
including in some areas the growth of high density apartments and the building
of a major public transport system to alleviate congestion. In Vancouver
and Toronto the transport network grew along with the growth of the city
. However outside the boundaries of the Greater Vancouver and Metro Toronto
there has also been considerable growth and in the case of southern Ontario
the emergence of a megalopolis in which downtown Toronto is but one centre.
The municipalities in this rural and suburban belt have been less concerned
about car dependence and urban sprawl. This growth has resulted in increased
suburbanisation of population, retail commerce, industry and the emergence
of industrial parks and expansive shopping centres. It has also led to
a political constituency that has little commitment or perceives little
advantage in supporting public policies and financial subsidies that sustains
public transport in the urban centres.
One transport planner described
to me Vancouver and its hinterland as Geneva surrounded by Phoenix.
The sprawl around Toronto is even more extensive as it snakes across the
USA border, linking towns and cities and turning fertile countryside into
sprawling suburbs. For example Kitchener which is one hundred kilometres
west of Toronto is one of most spatially dispersed metropolitan areas of
Canada with a very high level of car dependence.
The use of public transport
in both Toronto and Vancouver looks good drawing the boundary around the
municipal borders. However taking into account the greater urban hinterland
the performance drops substantially. Equally drawing a boundary around
inner and middle Melbourne, with its public transport rich infrastructure,
our city’s performance rises dramatically. The challenge for Vancouver,
Toronto and Melbourne is to recognise the threats to public transport and
expand our efforts to improve and extend public transport solutions throughout
the metropolis.
While recognising the difficulties
confronting transport planners and politicians in Vancouver and Toronto
I do not want to understate the considerable successes they have achieved.
Vancouver in particular has demonstrated that for all their difficulties
they have been able to increase the use of public transport incrementally
for 30 years. This success can be understood as a combination of decisions
taken at the local government level on land use strategies, parking, public
transport subsidies and demand management, as well as provincial policies
on transport and public transport funding. Vancouver has benefited from
courageous and far sighted decisions to limit the growth of car dependency.
Vancouver
Even compared to Melbourne,
Vancouver is a young city. It was founded by the Canadian Pacific Railway
as a gateway to the Pacific in the late 19th Century. Its magnificent port
became the centre for the Prairie grain trade, and grew with fishing,
lumber and mineral trade. It was the centre of the human traffic generated
by the Alaskan gold rush. The opening of the Panama canal in 1913
gave it access to European markets and it has continued to develop with
the growth of trade with Asia and is now the largest port in Canada with
containers from Asia being shipped by train to Toronto, Montreal and Chicago
for access to markets across North America.
The City has 20 councils
that belong to Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) which coordinates
local Government activities including infrastructure, land use planning
and service planning. In the late 1960’s the City of Vancouver and the
GVRD, in response to pollution and congestion, decided not to build freeways
into the downtown but invest in public transport. This was in response
to a strong environmental awareness and a reaction to the negative impact
of freeway based solutions in US cities. The decision not to build freeways
in the city has meant that the city has focused on public transport and
non car transportation to maintain a high level of mobility in the city.
One of the striking differences
between the Australia and Canada was that responsibility for metropolitan
roads, public transport and land use decisions are made by the city council
not the provincial Governments. Decision on any planning matter including
changes in land use can be made by a simple majority of the City Council
without appeal rights. The one exception in British Colombia where the
shortage of farmable land has meant the Provincial Government provides
protection for rural land. It was considered almost impossible to shift
agricultural land zoning to residential, industrial or commercial use in
British Colombia.
Given the role of councils
the GVRD has a major coordinating role for local Government in land use
and transport planning and thus promoted a number of interrelated strategies.
This included the development of town centres linked by light rail, urban
consolidation especially around transport nodes, the provision of public
transport and the management of transport demand. Demand management
included making it difficult for regional roads to access the city by ensuring
that here are quite major capacity constraints on ramps and bridges which
link Vancouver to its outskirts. The aim is not to increase car access
into the downtown.
In April 1999 Translink was
established as the new regional transportation network responsible for
managing and financing the transportation system in the GVRD. Previously
public transport was the responsibility of BC Transit. Translink includes
road maintenance and construction and has responsibly for the movement
of goods as well as people. Therefore a single municipal agency is now
responsible for the maintenance and development of the road system
and for public transport. Translink exists to support the GVRD Livable
Region Strategic Plan which aims to manage growth, preserve green spaces
and air quality. Translink attitude to roads is to, “Get the maximum value
from the roads we have now, and build more where it makes sense.” (from
Translink brochure)
A good of example that Translink
is not opposed to roads is the road based projects being developed to improve
access to the Port and improve the movement of freight. The Port of Vancouver
adjoins the downtown and an upgraded port road is being developed to improve
accessibility to the Trans-Canada freeway.
In British Colombia the Provincial
Government allows municipalities to levy taxes for transport funding. This
includes an 8 cents a litre petrol tax, a surcharge on residential electricity
bills and a property tax. While I was in Canada Translink also attempted
to levy $75 per vehicle to help fund public transport but the Provincial
Government fearing a public backlash failed to give it the means to collect
this levy. Ontario in contrast the Provincial conservative Government eliminated
subsidies to public transport but prohibited the municipalities from levying
taxes to make up for lost revenues.
Toronto
The relative decline of
public transport in Melbourne has been contrasted with the success of Toronto.
Both are New World cities with similar populations, wide urban expansion
and high car ownership. Paul Mees has used to Toronto to demonstrate that
with the right policy public transport could be more successful in Melbourne.
He claims, “Here is a spread-out city with high car ownership which appears
to be providing European-style public transport.” (Mees 1999, 155)
Public transport is one element
of urban policy which has made Toronto very livable. This urban policy
has involved considerable public involvement in urban planning and a wide
range of interventions to protect the public interest. Toronto as is common
to other Canadian cities has made very deliberate decisions to ensure the
livability of their cities and to resist the middle class flight to the
suburbs which has helped blight many of the inner city areas in US cities.
This public policy resulted in an ongoing public investment in public transport,
public housing, parks and the provision of quality education and social
services. It has also ensured an active and vibrant central city.
Land use planning has also been relatively interventionist. Land use planning
has supported public transport provision and has led to more concentrated
nodes of employment, jobs and other amenities. This has allowed for residential,
commercial and retail activities to be placed in relative proximity which
has allowed for the provision of quality public transport to these various
nodes.
Before urban development
proposals are submitted for approval to the city council they are automatically
circulated to the Toronto Transit Commission for comment. Before a proposed
subdivision receives draft approval, a committee comprising senior representatives
from the Metropolitan Planning Department and the Toronto Transit Commission
must approve it. While it is not incumbent on the local municipality to
follow the Transit Commission recommendations it does give the opportunity
for suburban development to be consistent with the principles of maximising
the effectiveness of the public transport system
The ability to plan and invest
in city services is possible by the institutional relationship of Government
in Canada. The demand of post war growth in Toronto and Vancouver led to
the establishment of regional public agencies responsible for infrastructure,
service planning and land-use policy. Furthermore municipal fiscal equalisation
schemes were introduced to ensure equitable distribution of tax funds for
services and infrastructure.
The Regional Council of Metropolitan
Toronto (Metro) which initially comprised six municipalities was established
in 1953 is often hailed as one of the most successful and innovative models
of urban governance in North America. The six municipalities amalgamated
in 1998 into the mega municipality of the City of Toronto. Metro Toronto
allowed for the successful coordination of land-use planning with the provision
of public transport.
The Metro’s transport arm
the Toronto Transit Commission has the monopoly right to operate in an
area of 240 sq miles and services 2.4 million people. The planning, design
and the operation of the public transport system in Toronto is the responsibility
of the Transit Commission. The Commission have their own decision-making
power over the system but an elected council gives budget approval. Local
Government politicians generally hold the membership of the commission.
It is a fully integrated, intermodal public transport system. Public transport
was fully cost recovery into the 1960s. In the 1960s the Metro transport
authority needed capital and got it from the Provincial Government.
The city of Toronto is built
on a grid on which streetcars were first provided which subsequently were
replaced by buses and trams. In the 1960s freeway building became the trend
in North America and streetcars were being wiped out. In the late 1960s
after witnessing the problems created by downtown freeway construction
there was a moratorium on inner urban freeways. Investments were directed
into public transport including the establishment by the Provincial Government
of GO Transit, which fed suburban commuters into the urban core.
The Transit Commission operates
subway cars, light rail, trams and buses utilising an intermodal ticket
which allows for transfer as long as the journey is in one direction and
has no long breaks.
The Toronto system is considered
one of the best examples of public transport in New World cities yet its
funding is under a cloud due to political conflict. The right wing Provincial
Government decided after its election win in 1995 to hand over the provincial
Government's role in funding the Toronto Transit system to local Government.
The Provincial Government was led by the Progressive Conservative Party
whose political support came from the rural and suburban areas of Ontario
while Metro Toronto largely voted for the centrist Liberal Party or the
left-wing New Democratic Party. In Ontario this conflict is referred to
the 416 versus 905 referring to the two main telephone prefixes. 416 being
Toronto and the NDP and Liberal ridings (electorates) while 905 was the
outer suburbs and the Progressive Conservative ridings.
The irony for Metro Toronto
was that while it succeeded in concentrating growth and coordinating land-use
the Provincial Government failed to expand geographically Metro Toronto’s
role to encompass the outer suburban and rural municipalities. Even though
these areas were economically and in terms of commuter patterns comprising
part of greater Toronto. Politically this may have been a result of the
Provincial Government not wanting to expand the role and authority of a
potential rival. These areas of suburban growth demonstrated a different
pattern of growth and land-use. With the growth of these areas and the
investment by the Provincial Government in water, sewers and roads there
emerged a ring of low density and car orientated communities.
With the new right wing Government
they decided to "download" responsibility urban transport to the City of
Toronto and took over eduction from local Government or in the jargon uploaded
education. This put the entire system into a fiscal crisis from which has
not yet emerged. Previously the Province most of the capital costs of the
system as well as an operating subsidy. Fares covered 68% of operating
costs with the 32% subsidy split between the local Government and the Provincial
Government. Capital costs had been funded 75% from the Provincial Government
and 25% from local property rates.
After it was downloaded public
transport now depended entirely on property taxes and money from the fare
box. The current deficit for the system is around $300 million (Canadian).
The capital costs of the system never came out of the fares and on average
was around $300 million annually. Currently the city needs to tip in $450
million into the system, which cannot be generated simply out of property
taxes. Compared to other Canadian or any Australian city the TTC has a
very high cost recovery and a very large patronage however it does not
have the support of the Provincial Government.
The Provincial Government
does want an amalgamation of the transit systems between Toronto and its
suburban ring. The Provincial Government would be prepared to help fund
such an amalgamation. The TTC is resisting this scheme because the outer
ring has very little patronage and thus would bleed funding from the central
core and dramatically curtail the available service.
The Provincial Government
of Ontario has now placed the cost of public transport on residents of
City of Toronto. Its transport service along increasingly with its social
services are now dependent on land tax. Toronto does not have the advantage
of Vancouver where Translink was able to access other taxes such as a fuel
levy. The future for public transport Toronto now depends on the vagaries
of the real estate market and the municipality’s ability to tax land.
Ottawa perspective
Public transport in Ottawa
is based principally on buses. It is well funded and delivers high frequency
and high patronage. The harsh climate in Ottawa has not hampered the use
of buses as it provides the combination of high frequency and heating in
waiting stations. Ottawa is similar to Canberra in size and experiencing
high growth particularly due to its high technology industries. The planning
for this growth is very much coordinated with public transport provision.
Quality and increasing services, bus lanes and the introduction of light
rail demonstrates the ongoing integration of land-use and public transport
which I have come to expect from Canadian cities.
In my discussion with centrist
Liberal politicians in Ottawa their response to the political right was
to ensure there was Federal funding for public transport. They argued that
the political right in Canada is attempting to entrust responsibility for
funding public transport and other social services to local Government
as a means of cost cutting and perhaps as a move to force the privatisation
of many of these services. The other issue for them was about how to build
the relationships between municipal, provincial and national Government
to ensure an equitable partnership. The recent throne speech by the Canadian
Governor General for the first time indicated a commitment by the Liberal
Government to fund urban public transport infrastructure. In a discussion
with a right wing Alliance Party parliamentarian from British Colombia
he argued that for rural and suburban communities which he represented
there was no self interest in funding urban transport and that increasingly
urban public transport would have to become self funding.
Public transport demands
good public policy
The main lesson from Canada
is that good public transport demands good public policy. It demands long
term planning and the building of a public transport culture. Vancouver
in particular set out to stem car dependence, invested in public transport
and coordinated it with land use planning. The city established with its
people a long term strategy which in turn has been supported by an increasingly
environmentally aware population with a strong commitment to improve the
livability of their city. The visit also highlighted a major political
dilemma how to reconcile the needs and perceived interest of public transport
rich urban communities with the needs and interests of public transport
poor suburban communities. This involves building political support behind
further public intervention in establishing public transport solutions,
and confronting issues of sustainability and livability. Vancouver and
the GVRD have been able to do this successfully for 30 years.
While the Toronto system
is impressive, it is facing major challenges and lost almost 20 per cent
of its patronage (Pucher 1998) in the 1990s as a result of an economic
recession and the cutback of subsidies to public transport by a right-wing
Provincial Government. British Colombia and in particular the cities of
Vancouver and Victoria are perhaps more impressive as they both experienced
substantial increases in patronage on public transport use over the same
period and it continues to grow.
Bibliography
GVRD various documents
Mees,P A Very Public Solution
( MUP, 1999)
Newman, P and Kenworthy,
J Sustainability and Cities (Island Press, 1999)
Pucher, J Back on Track:
8 Steps to rejuvenate public transport in Canada in Alternatives Journal
Winter 1998
Tamin, R and Kenworthy, J
The US and us in Alternatives Journal Winter 1998
Translink various documents
Toronto Transport Commission
various documents
RELATED
TOPICS
TAXIS:
Speech to CEDA FORUM (March 2001)
Road
Safety speech Mar 2001
Blackspots
program (press release)
"Changing
Direction of Public Transport" (speech March 2000)

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