FACILITATED COMMUNICATION; AN ìINAPPROPRIATE CHALLENGE TO PROFESSIONAL BELIEF SYSTEMSî

By Chris Borthwick

The general belief in professionals dealing with non-verbal people with diagnoses of severe mental retardation has been that in general these people do not have the ability to spell, and (depending on the severity of the condition) perhaps not the ability to use language. As Jacobson (1993) puts it,

Jacobson asks

The question of whose biases, if any, were shifted during those years throws some light on questions concerning the construction and defence of professional attitudes.

Facilitated communication training (FCT) is an educational technique intended to allow people who cannot speak or sign to access communication devices. One person (the facilitator) provides support to the arm, wrist or hand of another person (the student) who is thus enabled to control their pointing sufficiently to point to pictures, words or letters.(Biklen, 1990; Crossley & Remington-Gurney, 1992). The method was developed in Australia by Rosemary Crossley and popularised in the United States by Douglas Biklen. It has recently been the subject of considerable debate by parents, therapists, care workers, and psychologists, and has a rapidly expanding bibliography. Both advocates and critics of the method agree on its importance; the former have suggested that

and the latter that

Disputes centre both on individual cases and on the general issue of whether the method can be used, as its critics suggest, at best only by very few atypical cases (Schopler, 1992) or, as its proponents suggest, by up to 70% of the communication-disabled population (Crossley & Remington-Gurney, 1992). This communication-disabled group overlaps considerably with the population diagnosed as severely intellectually disabled. Most individuals with severe communication impairments are labelled as intellectually impaired, and when one considers the dependence of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (APS, 1980) on expressive language skills this is not surprising. In a statewide survey in Victoria, Australia, 71% of those with SCI had been diagnosed as intellectually impaired (Bloomberg & Johnson, 1990).

It is suggested by proponents of the method that the majority of people with SCI regarded as intellectually disabled or mentally retarded may in fact have intact language comprehension but have also a variety of expressive language disorders that prevent its expression; that the underlying language malfunction in people with autism and developmental disability using FCT is not due to ìSignificantly subaverage general intellectual functioningî but to an expressive disorder, being some form of motor planning problem (Crossley, 1993) or apraxia (Biklen, 1990) or dyspraxia (Maurer, 1992) or movement disorder (Hill & Leary, 1992) coupled with aphasia or word-finding problems (Crossley, 1992).

Crossley and Biklenís theory would suggest that there has in the past been confusion between the peripheral symptoms of autism and developmental disorders and their core content. ó that when, for example, Howlin & Rutter (1987) say that

the authors are describing an observed hand function problem and an observed problem in expressive language and linking that with a hypothesised internal language deficit. An alternative approach, Crossley suggests, might be to consider the possibility that the problem is not that when people have disturbances of language skills this also affects their motoric achievements, such as pointing, but that, conversely, that some people's motor disturbances may impair their speech and hand skills and thus affect their ability to relate to other people.

If true, the claims of the proponents of FCT would imply that the almost the entire psychological profession had been for its entire history radically mistaken about the nature of a basic element of its intellectual cosmology. As such, the debate about FCT can be taken as an example of the response of a profession to a major threat ó what one critic of FCT refers to as ìinappropriate challenges to professional belief systemsî. (Shane, 1993).

Some reputable psychologists , working for the most part in the field of autism, defend FCT (Donellan, 1992; Maurer, 1992), and some of its most active critics, such as Howard Shane, are not psychologists (Shane, 1993). However, the bulk of professional critics appear to be psychologists, and the bulk of professional adherents appear to be therapists and educationalists; taking the 90 authors of 89 academic or professional journal articles on FCT , in the 24 articles expressing negative conclusions about FCT 13 of the authors are psychologists, 11 are not, and the affiliations of 4 are unknown, while of the authors of the 45 articles expressing more positive conclusions the proportions are 3 psychologists to 37 others and 2 unknown, and of the 20 inconclusive articles 4, 15, and 1. One psychologist has expressed the view that psychologists are leading the ranks of critics because they have the scientific training ó the understanding of statistics and experimental methodology ó that others in the field of developmental disabilities lack (Cummins, 1991), and most critics are united in seeing the roots of the popularity of FCT in this lack of scientific rigor among non-psychologists.

The dispute is also sometimes conceptualised as between qualitative research, as favoured by advocates for FCT, and quantitative (or ëexperimentalí, or ëscientificí) as favoured by its opponents. Professor Biklen, the originator of the American FCT movement, was already an active proponent of qualitative methodology when first introduced to FCT in Australia, and followed it in his own research.

A similar approach is taken by Donellan (1993). Jacobson et al. criticise these methods on the grounds that

Biklen has commented that characterization of the validation evidence he provides as ëanecdotalí

Opponents insist, however, that

Critics rely instead on ëcontrolledí experiments (and do not regard qualitative studies as ëexperimentalí). The most common format is for the user and the facilitator to be exposed to stimuli that are sometimes the same and sometimes different and asked to describe them through facilitation. A number of experiments (Hudson et al, 1993; Klewe, 1993; Moore et al, 1993; Szempruch & Jacobson, 1993; Wheeler et al, 1993) have recorded that in this situation the responses given are those sometimes appropriate to the facilitator, not the user. Some similar experimental studies (Calculator & Singer, 1992; IDRP, 1989; QDFSAIA, 1993; Vázquez, in press) have also reported successful validation of communication, and both camps have made objections to the format of the otherís tests (Hudson, 1994; Crossley, 1994).

The arguments have also been aired on several television programs and in a number of court cases regarding sexual abuse.

From the point of view of most critics of FCT, however, the problem is not how to refute the arguments of its proponents; the inadequacy of these, however apparently convincing, is taken as given -

and the real problem thus becomes how to account for the popularity of an obvious quack remedy. More specifically, the enthusiasm for FCT among different groups requires a number of different explanations. The most basic approach is that applied to statements claimed to have been made by persons using FC. Shane, for example, originally put forward as an important prop of his disbelief in the method that

An article published over the name of Anne McDonald, a purported user, objected, giving details of validation trials Ms McDonaldís communication had undergone successfully in the course of a series of Australian court cases. Shaneís response did not comment on any of the material adduced as evidence of valid communication, resting instead on a more basic exclusionary principle.

This would seem a particularly effective Catch-22; the method cannot be validated unless users come forward to prove it, and proof presented by users cannot be entertained because the method has not yet been validated. Even without this catch, however, statements made by people with disability speaking for themselves can amount at best to ëself-reportí or ëcase studiesí, both traditionally suspect methodologies when not confirmed by experimental psychological studies.

Similarly, enthusiasm by parents of people with developmental disabilities for the technique is not a serious source of theoretical concern. The opinions and observations of parents are not usually regarded highly by professionals, and explanations that would justify setting them aside are readily available. Prior and Cummins point out that

More specifically, Mulick et al note that

A therapy that suggests the possibility of unimpaired intelligence has, it is suggested, a direct appeal to parents who are in denial regarding the reality of their childís disability. The testimony of parents is thus seen as having little independent weight and can be regarded as reliable only where confirmed, replicated, and published by professionals.

The problem for critics of facilitated communication training, however, is that the professions did not at first seem to be united in their opposition. In the United States, at least, many speech-language pathologists and special educators took FCT up with enthusiasm. While the errors of parents are predictable, different explanatory techniques are required to account for the concurrence in error of other professional groups. Schopler complains that

Jacobson et al state that

They suggest therefore that there is a

Jacobson & Mulick note that

acceptance of new therapies seems to be more rapid among students and agency-based non-licensed clinicians than among academics and licensed clinicians. ...students are more likely to be credulous. ...students can expect to be more effective clinicians than their mentors.... Direct service clinicians can expect to have a visible effect on the people they serve and get more respect from their peers. .... Administrators and managers can rest assured that their philosophy is new and improved. (Jacobson & Mulick, 1992, p. 3)

The fact that explanations of this sort are required, however, emphasizes that a significant number of professionals and paraprofessionals are on this matter resisting the direction of psychologists. Another article (Mulick et al) complains that

condemns

and complains that

Mulick et al put this down to timidity on the part of the human services and apathy on the part of the neurosciences, but the unusual isolation of psychologists on this matter does draw attention to the potential in FCT for a major shift of professional turf. If autism, still more ëintellectual disabilityí is, as suggested by the advocates for FCT, in large measure a communication disorder, and that communication disorder arises out of a neurological disorder, then one of the obvious consequences of this would be that primary expertise in the field would cease to lie with the psychological profession and would move elsewhere, perhaps to the specialities of speech-language pathology and neurology. Jacobson (1993) notes some the difficulties such a contest would involve.

A further complication is that, as the quotations from Jacobson & Mulick (1992) on ëcommunitizationí and Mulick et al (1993) on ëphilosophically inclined therapistsí suggest, some of the tensions between advocates and critics of FCT have been carried over from previous disputes within the professions over such things as the value of community living. Advocates are drawn disproportionately from the deinstitutionalization movement, critics from its opponents. Rimland attacks Biklen both for his support of facilitated communication training (Rimland, 1992) and for his advocacy of inclusive education (Rimland, 1993) and deinstitutionalization (Rimland, 1993).

The popularity of Biklenís theories on community integration for people with disabilities is linked with his advocacy of FCT, which is generally seen by psychologists as a morbid symptom in society. The various explanations advanced to account for the popularity of FCT are also applicable to the perceived vogue for changes in the communityís management of intellectual disability. The attack on FCT is in fact seen by both sides as a lever that may possibly throw into reverse the trends towards community integration, and the attacks on FCT have been criticised for this reason by disability advocacy groups such as The Association for Severe Handicap that are not yet prepared to endorse the method itself.

Describing Facilitated Communication Training as a threat to the psychological profession does not, of course, suggest that the profession is actually facing overthrow. Psychology is a good deal better defended than that, and is capable of repelling stronger threats than FCT. While the spread of the technique among other disciplines does show some developing unwillingness to accept unquestioningly psychological direction it is still the case that therapists supporting the method are a minority, therapy professional associations are uncommitted, and many centres that previously supported the method are prepared to accept that its use has been rendered unsafe by the strength of the opposition. In any dispute between psychology and other areas of disability studies psychology has considerable advantages. It can claim to be more scientific, it is certainly more academic, it is unquestionably more influential. Whatever the outcome of the dispute, the opposition of the psychological profession has unquestionably been successful in restricting discussion of facilitated communication training to the area of autism and excluding it from the mainstream of intellectual disability care. The debate over whether ëintellectual disabilityí represents cognitive insufficiency or cognitive defect has been evaded again.

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